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Showing posts with label Good governance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Good governance. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 12, 2021

Race, Religion, and Privacy: Oh My!

Government Contracting does not exists in a vacuum. It exists within the public domain, with governance features that distinguish it entirely from private contracting.

 Lexology, always a reliable source for government contracting updates (and more), hit a trifecta of such features with its procurement related article selections that hit my inbox today.  Here's a brief sampling of them.

Race: Executive Order Prohibiting Bias Training? Ignore That. DoD Issues Class Deviation to Comply with Nationwide Ban on EO 13950 Provisions


On January 6, 2021, the DoD issued a class deviation, effective immediately, to implement the nationwide court order enjoining Sections 4 and 5 of Executive Order (EO) 13950, Combating Race and Sex Stereotyping. EO 13950 prohibits federal agencies, contractors, and grant recipients from using workplace diversity and inclusion trainings to “promote race or sex stereotyping or scapegoating,” with Section 4 applying specifically to government contractors.
That new Court Order trumped Executive Order 13950. Also see Venable's post,Dismantling EO 13950 – Nationwide Preliminary Injunction Results in Suspension of Enforcement Measures for a bit more flavor and information.
For the foreseeable future, Federal contractors, subcontractors, and grant recipients alike no longer need to comply with or worry about the enforcement of EO 13950, especially given President‑elect Joe Biden's very recent announcement that he is appointing Boston Mayor Marty Walsh as the Secretary of Labor. In particular, Mayor Walsh has issued executive orders over the past few years that declare racism an emergency and public health crisis with the goal of "dismantl[ing] [] systemic racism"; acknowledge and improve racial equity through government, as further reported on here; and "create a national model for breaking down system racism across all aspects" of Boston, as reported here. Given that history, it is likely safe to assume that, if confirmed, Mr. Walsh has no intention of advancing policies akin to those in EO 13950.
Religion: OFCCP Issues Final Rule on Religious Exemptions for Government Contractors
The Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs issued Implementing Legal Requirements Regarding the Equal Opportunity Clause’s Religious Exemption final rule, which becomes effective on January 8, 2021. The final rule is intended to clarify the scope and application of the religious exemption in light of recent developments, including Supreme Court rulings and Executive Orders. Among other things, it clarifies that, in addition to churches, the exemption covers employers that: are organized for a religious purpose; hold themselves out to the public as carrying out a religious purpose; engage in exercise of religion consistent with and in furtherance of a religious purpose; and either operate on a not-for-profit basis or present other strong evidence that their purpose is substantially religious. Moreover, religious employers may condition employment on compliance with religious tenets, as long as they do not discriminate on other protected bases. This particular provision has caused concern, as some have interpreted it to permit discrimination against LGBTQ individuals. Among its key provisions, the final rule adds a rule of construction to provide the maximum legal protection of religious exercise permitted by the Constitution and laws, including the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.
Privacy (well, one person's privacy is another person's transparency): New Corporate Transparency Act Will Impose Beneficial Ownership Reporting Requirements on Many Companies, Particularly Small Businesses
The Corporate Transparency Act (CTA), part of the 2021 National Defense Authorization Act enacted into law on January 1, 2021, will impose new beneficial ownership reporting requirements on many companies. The stated purposes of the CTA include the collection of beneficial ownership interest information for corporations, limited liability companies and similar entities "to (A) set a clear, Federal standard for incorporation practices; (B) protect vital United States national security interests; (C) protect interstate and foreign commerce; (D) better enable critical national security, intelligence and law enforcement efforts to counter money laundering, the financing of terrorism and other illicit activity; and (E) bring the United States into compliance with international anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism standards." Many types of entities, however, are exempted from the requirements of the CTA. These entities include, among others: public companies; governmental entities; banks and bank holding companies; credit unions; broker dealers; registered investment companies; registered investment advisers; insurance companies; registered public accounting firms; public utilities; certain pooled investment vehicles; 501(c) entities; companies with more than 20 full-time employees in the United States, more than $5 million in gross receipts or sales, and an operating presence at a physical office in the United States; and entities owned or controlled by one or more of such exempt entities. A reporting company will be required to identify each beneficial owner and applicant and report the individual's full legal name, date of birth, current residential or business address, and a "unique identifying number from an acceptable identification document" (generally a nonexpired passport, state issued driver's license or identification card or, if the individual does not have any of these, a nonexpired foreign passport) or a FinCen identifying number. The reporting company need only report the name of the exempt entity having a direct or indirect ownership interest in the reporting company (and not any of the other identifying information otherwise required). There are many issues of scope, definition and interpretation in the CTA which are expected to be addressed by the Treasury's forthcoming implementing regulations.
See, also, How do you determine prospective contractor responsibility if you don't know who the contractor really is?

Tuesday, April 14, 2020

Follow the money

With every disaster comes disastrous spending.  And attempts to stem the flow.  So many attempts.  Sad.

Here's an illustration of the money flow, from the source to the see (sic), all courtesy of Covington & Burling LLP.

GAO Report Reveals New Insights Into Lobbying Disclosure Act Compliance and Enforcement
:
"The 2020 annual report from the Government Accountability Office (“GAO”) provides new details regarding the state of Lobbying Disclosure Act (“LDA”) compliance and enforcement. By statute, the GAO is charged with conducting random audits of LDA compliance and submitting reports reflecting the results to Congress. This year’s audit reviewed approximately 100 quarterly “LD-2” reports filed by lobbyist employers and lobbying firms and about 160 semi-annual “LD-203” reports that disclose political contributions and politically-related contributions.

"Many takeaways from this year’s review were consistent with past reports. Lobbying registrants still often neglect to round their lobbying expenses and lobbying income to the nearest $10,000. Many registrants also fail to disclose the prior covered government positions held by newly-registered lobbyists. And many LDA reports continue to be amended after a registrant learns of the audit — a fact that GAO believes “suggests that our contact may spur some lobbyists to more closely scrutinize their reports than they would have without our review.”

"But the 55-page report does include some interesting new nuggets:

     • "Missing Political Contributions. Almost half (45%) of audited registrants failed to report political contributions on their semi-annual LD-203 political contribution reports. GAO described this as a “statistically significant” increase over prior years. This is a preventable error. Prior to filing, registrants should consider cross-checking the LD-203 reports versus Federal Election Commission reports to ensure there are no missing contributions.
     • "JACK Act Certifications. Pursuant to a new statute, the JACK Act, lobbyists are now required to certify they have not been convicted of certain crimes. This year, GAO audited the accuracy of these reports, including by conducting criminal background checks on names listed in the reports. While it found no errors, GAO’s background checks underscore the importance of conducting due diligence to confirm the accuracy of these representations.
     • "Naming and Shaming. The report singles out, by name, two lobbying firms that “declined to meet with us following our initial letters.” The failure to meet led to GAO reporting the names of these firms to Congress.
     • "Low Enforcement Levels. While there has only been a trickle of LDA civil enforcement cases in the last decade, the trickle has begun to dry in recent years. Only one civil attorney now handles LDA enforcement part-time (down from two in 2017). Moreover, GAO announced that “no suits have been initiated or cases settled since our 2018 lobbying report.” Those prior cases, GAO emphasized, have all involved “chronic offenders”."

Whistleblowers Watch Stimulus Money From Inside from the firm Squire Patton Boggs.
"Whistleblowers, with their unique access to business operations, follow the money to learn whether the business abides by the strings attached to that money. Whistleblowers look for an opportunity to cash in on what they consider fraudulent conduct. What’s a business to do?

Strings Attached

"We recently advised about the many strings attached to the trillions of dollars available from the stimulus packages. Government watchdogs aggressively will scrutinize what happens to that money from the outside. If they find fraudulent conduct, they will seek recovery under the federal False Claims Act (FCA) not just for the amount of loss to the government but for up to three times that amount (known as treble damages).

Whistleblower Incentives

"Whistleblowers are employees on the inside who know what procedures are in place, what procedures they think should be in place, and the people to who make decisions about those procedures. The FCA incentivizes whistleblowers to capitalize on their invaluable insight by filing a lawsuit (a qui tam suit) reporting what appears to be fraudulent conduct to the government watchdogs. The rewards are great. Whistleblowers receive 15% to 30% of the amount of any recovery. In addition, the business is required to pay attorney’s fees to the whistleblower.

"Those incentives work. Whistleblowers are the source of most recoveries under the FCA. We reported that qui tam law suits in 2019 were being filed at the rate of more than 12 per week. Whistleblowers personally recovered more than $271 million in payments. The government itself recovered more than $2.2 billion in those qui tam suits. This far outstrips direct enforcement actions brought by the government without a whistleblower. Now that trillions of dollars are flowing, whistleblowers know the rewards are even greater.

Proactive Action

"A business that needs a recovery stimulus should obtain the relief that is available. From small businesses, nonprofits, venture-backed startups, higher education institutions, and healthcare to trade, supply chains and defense, and other regulated industries, Squire Patton Boggs attorneys are here to help you receive the much-needed assistance.

"But vigilance also is needed. Prepare to account for the money received by, for example, ensuring

     • Protocols are established to handle the money
     • Compliance programs are in place
     • Compliance programs operate effectively
     • Clear and readily available channels handle complaints remotely
     • Tone at the top encourages employees to report problems to leadership"

Past as Prologue: The Wave of Investigations to Follow the Pandemic Recovery and Actions that Companies Can Take Now to Prepare from, again, Covington & Burling LLP.  
"On March 30, 2020, the inspectors general of several major agencies selected the Department of Defense Inspector General, Glenn Fine, to lead a newly created federal oversight entity that will investigate waste, fraud, and abuse in connection with the massive new coronavirus economic relief legislation. The inspectors general were exercising new authority contained in the legislation, but these actions also echo Congress’s past approach to oversight of recovery efforts. This client alert examines the new investigative authorities in the legislation and provides advice for companies, based on past examples.

"Throughout American history, when Congress has confronted a national emergency and authorized a major government response, the economic recovery has almost always been accompanied by significant congressional, civil, or criminal investigations. This paradigm dates back at least to the Civil War, with Congress’s Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War. In modern times, the savings and loan crisis and bailout of the late 1980s led to criminal convictions and the Keating Five lobbying scandal.

"Most recently, after the 2008 financial crisis, Congress sought to formalize and institutionalize the oversight and investigation of recovery efforts through the Special Inspector General for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (“SIGTARP”) and other oversight bodies. A Congressional Oversight Panel held 26 hearings over more than two years on the causes, symptoms, and effects of the economic crisis and government response and reform efforts. Investigations by just one entity, the Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board, resulted in 1,665 convictions, pleas, or judgments, along with more than $157 million in recoveries, forfeitures, seizures, and other savings.

"In the newly enacted Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (“CARES Act”), Congress again provided that oversight and investigations will accompany the $2 trillion relief program:

"The bill establishes a Special Inspector General for Pandemic Recovery within the Department of the Treasury. The Special Inspector General will be presidentially appointed, as was the SIGTARP. The Special Inspector General will be responsible for conducting, supervising, and coordinating audits and investigations of the making, purchase, management, and sale of loans, loan guarantees, and other investments by the Treasury under the CARES Act. Like the SIGTARP, the Special Inspector General for Pandemic Recovery will also be responsible for providing quarterly reports to Congress. Congress dedicated $25 million of new Treasury funds for the Special Inspector General to carry out these duties.

"The bill establishes a Pandemic Response Accountability Committee within the Council of Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency to prevent and detect fraud, waste, abuse, and mismanagement of funds and to mitigate risks across programs and agencies. Congress appropriated $80 million for the Committee. This new Committee appears to be modeled on the Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board established by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), which is generally viewed as having successfully protected against the misuse of recovery funds. Although the Recovery Board was required to coordinate its activities with various agency inspectors general, the new Pandemic Committee is created within the Inspectors General Council. This may mean that the Pandemic Committee will have a heightened degree of autonomy and a greater ability to act quickly and with better coordination than was the case for the Recovery Board. The Pandemic Committee is authorized to issue subpoenas to persons outside of the government.

"The bill authorizes the creation of a bipartisan Congressional Oversight Commission charged with oversight of the Treasury Department and Federal Reserve, as they work to provide economic stability in the wake of the coronavirus. Like the TARP Congressional Oversight Panel, the CARES Act’s Congressional Oversight Commission will consist of five members appointed by the leaders of Congress. Also like its predecessor, the Congressional Oversight Commission will have significant authority to conduct oversight and investigations, including holding hearings and taking testimony.

"In addition to these new entities, existing authorities are certain to continue to investigate. For example, the House Oversight and Reform Committee has already launched an investigation of travel insurance companies and their coverage decisions related to travel cancelled due to the coronavirus. It is likely that congressional committees will examine the administration’s preparedness and response to the crisis, along with the activities of deeply affected companies and industries, especially those that receive federal aid. If history is a guide, these investigations will continue for many years into the future. For example, as late as last year, the House Financial Services Committee held a hearing that focused on bank accountability “10 years after the Financial Crisis.” The CEOs of Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, Goldman Sachs, and others all testified.

"Criminal authorities will also continue to investigate. Attorney General William Barr has directed federal prosecutors to prioritize investigations and prosecutions of coronavirus fraud schemes, and Deputy Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen directed each U.S. Attorney’s Office to identify a prosecutor to serve as the lead coronavirus fraud coordinator. These developments mirror actions that were taken after the financial crisis. For example, SIGTARP investigations related to fraud involving TARP funds resulted in enforcement actions against nine financial institutions and in the successful criminal prosecutions of 51 bank officers and executives. The Department of Justice—including through a Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force and a Residential Mortgage-Backed Securities Working Group—investigated fraud related to the financial crisis itself, ultimately resulting in several multi-billion dollar civil settlements with financial institutions.

"Of course, the investigations that will follow the coronavirus recovery will not be exactly the same as the investigations of the financial crisis or the savings and loan bailout. Each new crisis has its own unique attributes and characteristics. Nonetheless, based on our experience defending companies and individuals involved in similar investigations, we can offer the following five tips for being prepared:

     1. Invest in compliance now to avoid problems in the future. Companies need to understand the implications of taking federal money and establish systems that ensure compliance. For example, companies that benefit from increased federal investment in pandemic responses may have increased compliance obligations as a result of contracting with the government. Certain of the federal relief programs contain restrictions on executive compensation. Even the process of seeking federal assistance may implicate laws that regulate lobbying, depending on the agencies or officials contacted.
     2. Consider the public and political dynamics of corporate actions. Congressional investigators often follow where the press leads, and investigative reporters will be looking for juicy stories to highlight. Some recipients of prior federal funds were criticized for paying bonuses, moving jobs overseas, or even for their executives’ vacation arrangements. By seeking and accepting public funds, companies will often be held by the public and Congress to a higher standard.
     3. Understand your company’s areas of vulnerability. Companies in certain industries already face a high risk of investigation. Industries involved in the response to the crisis—including the biopharmaceutical, technology, consumer goods, and medical device industries—could have their actions scrutinized closely. Sometimes companies with the best intentions, such as rushing to respond to a pandemic, will take risks that would not be warranted upon reflection. Companies should have a clear understanding of these vulnerabilities and a clear and compelling answer to after-the-fact criticisms.
     4. Involve your legal department in business decisions. With the vast majority of employees working from home, and business situations moving rapidly, there are significant risks that business decisions can be made in “silos” without proper examination by all relevant parts of the company, including the legal department. The coronavirus pandemic has placed pressure on government regulators, including the Food and Drug Administration and others, to relax tightly controlled regulatory regimes. This dynamic also creates opportunities for industry, including for companies that may seek to develop new product lines or otherwise re-tool their manufacturing processes to meet current demand for hand sanitizers, facial masks, and other products and supplies needed during the pandemic. It is critical to involve the legal and compliance functions in these business decisions in order to mitigate a host of risks, including missteps with the federal government that could lead to regulatory or criminal exposure.
     5. Carefully vet all applications for assistance and other submissions to the federal government. In order to review applications and other submissions quickly and exercise judgment about the suitability of individual institutions to receive funds, the government will need to rely on representations, attestations, and certifications made by applicants. Companies and their counsel should carefully vet such statements with an eye toward the potential civil and criminal risks associated with submissions to the government. Civil and criminal authorities will focus on such submissions and other disclosures in any eventual investigations, and companies should seek to mitigate this risk with proper planning and legal review processes on the front-end."

UPDATE TO THIS STORY:
As reported in the final article above,"The [Congress']bill establishes a Pandemic Response Accountability Committee within the Council of Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency to prevent and detect fraud, waste, abuse, and mismanagement of funds and to mitigate risks across programs and agencies. ... This new Committee appears to be modeled on the Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board established by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA), which is generally viewed as having successfully protected against the misuse of recovery funds. ... the new Pandemic Committee is created within the Inspectors General Council. This may mean that the Pandemic Committee will have a heightened degree of autonomy...."
NOT SO FAST. Fine, but...
Trump Removes Acting Pentagon IG Slated to Lead Pandemic Oversight Last week, the Council of the Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency tapped Fine to chair the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee, an oversight body created by the $2.2 trillion CARES Act to ensure taxpayer money is spent wisely. The law empowered CIGIE to name the committee chair, but stipulates that only current IGs can hold the position, so Trump’s removal of Fine from his acting position prevents the well-regarded watchdog from leading the oversight committee.

Over the course of his presidency, Trump has flouted transparency precedents and bristled at the role of IGs, whose work is critically important to holding agencies and the administration accountable for protecting the public’s health, among other things. Fine’s removal is part of a larger shakeup to the IG community.

Trump signaled in a signing statement on March 27 that he would not enforce some of the oversight provisions in the $2.2 trillion CARES Act. He specifically objected to the creation of a special IG for pandemic recovery at Treasury empowered to request information from other agencies and report to Congress any delays in receiving that information: “I do not understand, and my administration will not treat, this provision as permitting the SIGPR to issue reports to the Congress without the presidential supervision required by the Take Care Clause, Article II, section 3,” the statement said."
The Constitutional "authority" the President of the United States cited doesn't appear to quite fit this particular Bill which, remember, was intended "to prevent and detect fraud, waste, abuse, and mismanagement of funds." Article II, Section It says, the President "shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed...." Instead, the President seems more interested in taking care that no independent voice is heard, and no such Inspector seen.

Tuesday, January 28, 2020

Of smoke and mirrors; nonresponsibility and invisibility

This post is prompted by a November 2019 GOA report about defense procurement, specifically posing the proposition that "Ongoing DOD Fraud Risk Assessment Efforts Should Include Contractor Ownership".

In explaining why GAO did the report, it says, "DOD generally accounts for about two-thirds of federal contracting activity. Some companies doing business with DOD may have an opaque ownership structure that conceals other entities or individuals who own, control, or financially benefit from the company. Opaque ownership could be used to facilitate fraud and other unlawful activity." GAO describes "opague" in the context: opaque ownership is a structure of business form or governance that may conceal or obfuscate entities or individuals who own, control, or benefit financially from a business. (See also, e.g., in other contexts, this and this and this.)

The report recalled the impetus for the report came out of "the committee report on the National Defense Authorization Act for fiscal year 2018,[in which] the House Armed Services Committee expressed concerns that DOD contractors may disguise their identities and cost structures from procurement officers, in effect acting as hidden monopolies with unreasonable prices or establishing opaque ownership structures for benefits that are contrary to the government’s interest. The committee report included a provision that GAO examine DOD’s processes to identify contractors’ ownership structures and the risks posed to DOD by contractors with opaque ownership structures. As a general finding in this GAO report, GAO noted, "DOD has also begun a department-wide fraud risk management program, but it has neither assessed risks of contractor ownership across the department nor identified risks posed by contractor ownership as a specific area for assessment."

In undertaking the study leading to this report, GAO "reviewed GAO bid-protest decisions to identify cases in which contractors may have failed to disclose foreign ownership or concealed beneficial-owner information to obtain contracts that they were not eligible to receive"; also studying cases where there appeared "the risk that contractors could be disguising their ownership to create the appearance of competition.

Paraphrasing, GAO explains that real ownership of an entity includes the ostensible ownership disclosed to regulators and the beneficial ownership by the persons who directly or indirectly pull the levers of control and management or reap the substantial rewards of ownership of the entity. The more layers of ownership there are, the difficult it is to determine who really owns the entity. This is compounded by the observation that "In the United States, no centralized information source or national registry maintains company ownership information. In 2014, the National Association of Secretaries of State found that most states collect minimal ownership data. ... During both the entity-formation process and in annual or periodic reporting, the association found that very few states collect some form of entity ownership or control information from limited liability companies or corporations." It conceded that "the Securities and Exchange Commission collects some ownership information on publicly traded companies"; that is, the relatively few, but relatively large, businesses in the USA. The Securities and Exchange Commission collects [only] some ownership information on publicly traded companies.

This limited view from the business world has implications for procurement.
"The FAR contains several provisions governing the selection of an offeror. Provisions such as price and past performance of the offeror are generally applicable in determining which offeror should win a contract. ... A prospective contractor must affirmatively demonstrate its responsibility, including, when necessary, the responsibility of its proposed subcontractors. Contracting officers must then determine the responsibility of prospective contractors, including whether prospective contractors can perform the terms of a contract. To be determined responsible, a prospective contractor must have adequate financial resources to perform the contract (or the ability to obtain them); be able to comply with the required delivery or performance schedule; have a satisfactory performance, integrity, and ethics record; have the necessary organization, experience, accounting and operational controls, and facilities to carry out the contract (or the ability to obtain them); and be otherwise qualified and eligible to receive an award under applicable laws and regulations.

Before awarding a contract over the simplified acquisition threshold, a contracting officer must review the prospective contractor’s performance and integrity information available in the Federal Awardee Performance and Integrity Information System (FAPIIS). FAPIIS is a federal government-wide database designed to assist contracting officers with making a responsibility determination by providing integrity and performance information of covered federal agency contractors and grantees. FAPIIS provides a prospective contractor “Report Card” that includes information pertaining to the prospective contractor’s past performance (if applicable), such as any administrative agreements, contract terminations, nonresponsibility determinations, and exclusions, among other things. It also includes the ability to view the company relationship information, which details the ownership information that prospective contractors are required to report in SAM. [The System for Award Management, or SAM, is a government-wide portal that is consolidating the capabilities of multiple systems and information sources used by the Federal government in conducting acquisitions. In order to contract with the federal government businesses and agencies must complete the required registration with SAM.] When making a responsibility determination, the contracting officer must consider all the information available through FAPIIS with regard to the prospective contractor and any immediate owner, predecessor (an entity that the prospective contractor replaced by acquiring assets and carrying out affairs under a new name), or subsidiary identified for that prospective contractor in FAPIIS. The contracting officer must document in the contract file how the information in FAPIIS was considered in any responsibility determination, as well as the action that was taken as a result of the information.
There is much more to the report, and the need for knowledge about the person or entity with who the government is, or may be, engaging in business. But this post is concentrating on the responsibility factor, and that is only part of the report. I really want to encourage you to read the whole report and how entity information is critical to matters national security and the mitigation of fraud.

GAO notes that, although DOD and other agencies have taken some baby steps to shed light on the issue of contractor ownership (e.g., "DOD, GSA, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration amended the FAR in May 2014 to require prospective contractors to self-report their immediate and highest-level entity owner, but not their beneficial owner, as part of contractors’ annual registration process in SAM), DOD "faces a number of challenges in identifying and verifying" it. Because "the scope and scale of this activity makes DOD procurement inherently susceptible to fraud", GAO recommended "The Office of the Undersecretary of Defense (Comptroller) should include an assessment of risks related to contractor ownership as part of its ongoing efforts to plan and conduct a department-wide fraud risk assessment."

Guam law follows the ABA Model Procurement Code when it comes to issues of responsibility, which is also the framework of the federal government as described above. I also has a (problematic) requirement (5 GCA § 5233) that, in some procurement methods, a bidder, "as a condition of bidding" must disclose "the name and address of any person who has held more than ten percent (10%) of the outstanding interest or shares of [a] partnership, sole proprietorship or corporation at any time during the twelve (12) month period immediately preceding submission of a bid." The "wild wild West" current darling of business entities is an LLC, but this law, written before Guam adopted an LLC law, does not make any disclosure requirement for that form of entity. Nor does it include trusts within the prophylactic disclosure requirement.

It is interesting to know that trusts have also been used to create invisibility in the procurement context. The following article discussing this issue in light of the trend described in the GAO report above.

Trust but Verify: Disclosure of Trust Ownership May Be Required for Family-Owned Government Contractors
Family-owned businesses are often owned and controlled by family trusts. Trusts are used by families for estate planning, tax planning and asset protection. Family-owned government contractors with trust ownership structures should be mindful of ownership
disclosures required by the Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR). Failure to comply with the required disclosures could result in False Claims Act or false statement allegations, loss of Facility Security Clearances, rejections of bids and proposals, and loss of bid protests.

Under rules adopted in 2014, a government contractor or offeror owned by another entity must disclose its own Commercial and Government Entity (CAGE) code and the CAGE codes of its “immediate owner” and “highest level owner” both in the System for Award Management (SAM) and to the contracting officer before contract award. Under FAR 52.204-17 (Ownership or Control of Offeror), “immediate owners” and “highest-level owners” are required to obtain their own CAGE codes even if they will not be directly contracting with the government. “Immediate owner” means an entity, other than the offeror, that has direct control of the offeror. “Highest-level owner” means the entity that owns or controls the
immediate owner of the offeror, or that owns or controls one or more entities that control an immediate owner of the offeror. No entity owns or exercises control of the highest-level owner.

If an offeror is owned directly by individuals, the offeror does not have an “immediate owner” or a “highest-level owner.” If an offeror is directly owned by another entity, the ownership entity is the “immediate owner” of the offeror. If an offeror’s immediate owner is, in turn, owned by another entity or series of entities, the last entity at the top of the offeror’s organizational chart is the “highest-level owner.” An offeror is required to certify its ownership disclosures in the “Representations and Certifications” section of its registration on SAM.gov.

The term “entity” is not defined in the FAR, [but is described at the Commercial and Government Entity webpage: "In business, an entity is a person, department, corporation, cooperative, partnership, business, manufacturer, organization, or other groups with whom it is possible to conduct business", and a trust can fall within that description.] The Defense Logistics Agency (DLA), the agency responsible for assigning CAGE codes, suggest that trusts are considered entities under the FAR and should have their own CAGE codes and be disclosed on SAM.gov." Trusts are commonly referenced in state business entity statutes. Trusts also have certain characteristics that are similar to other business entities such as corporations and limited liability companies. Namely, trusts can buy, sell and own personal property and real property; own equity in other business entities; and enter into contracts. Trusts may also shield their beneficiaries from the claims of creditors.

The author of that article warns, "In order to avoid possible False Claims Act or false statement allegations, loss of security clearances, rejections of bids and proposals, and adverse bid protest decisions, family-owned government contractors with trust ownership structures should review their SAM.gov registration to ensure that disclosures about their “immediate owner” and “highest-level owner” are accurate."

The interests of the government, be it state, local or federal, in good governance principles of transparency and responsibility are antithetical to the interests of private sector contractors. There may be some giving and taking, but the government must always heed those principles. History has shown there are many other structures that provide the flexibility commerce requires to carry on,but government, and the broader community must stay vigilant to any "Houdini factor" that jeopardizes the foundation of principles which good governance, and good procurement, that our democratic society depends on.

Tuesday, June 18, 2019

Unilaterial termination of government contract: fettered or convenient?

There is, in this post, a bit of a red herring. I will be comparing failures of a government to perform an admitted contract, and the effect of the contract obligation on the validity of the contracted obligation. Actually, the compared situtations are distinguishable on their facts, but the common notion is one of governance issues one necessarily encounters when contracting with a government. Thus, this is more a case of contrasts, not comparisons at a certain level, but a teachable moment nevertheless (I hope).

Note that I regularly, with no disrespect intended, slice and dice, reorganize, paraphrase, leave out critical facts and citations, and generally make a mess of the original source to fit the available space and the point to be made in a post. So, always, always, go to the source; read the original at the link and don't get misled by my wayward rendition.

The impetus of this post is the Australian appellate case captioned Searle v Commonwealth of Australia [2019] NSWCA 127, decided May 31, 2019. A good nutshell discussion of the case is provided by Dr Nick Seddon, an honorary professor at the Australia National University College of Law, on the Australian Public Law blog. Dr Seddon is an accomplished leading authority, and author, on Australian commercial and government contract law. Critically for this blog writer, he writes in a forthright and narrative style that is easy to read and grasp.

Searle v Commonwealth [2019] NSWCA 127 – government contracting and fettering
What happened in Searle?    Searle joined the Navy as a marine technician. After being signed up, he entered into a training contract under which he would undertake a course of training towards a Certificate IV in Engineering. Under it the Navy undertook to provide a training plan and the various components to achieve the Certificate. The Navy failed to provide these elements of training. After leaving the Navy, Searle sued for damages for breach of contract. He argued that, if he had achieved the Certificate, he could have obtained a more remunerative job in civilian life than he in fact got.

There is a special legal background to this story. Going back to medieval times, English law held that the Crown does not enter into contracts with its servants. This applies in Australia although, for the ordinary public service, it has been superseded by elaborate legislation. Not so for the military, or at least not so as to remove the basic proposition that there is no contract between an service member and the Commonwealth. Such members are engaged at her Majesty’s pleasure.

The fettering rule.   When government enters into a contract, there is always a potential tension. To what extent does the contract bind the government in a way that may thwart the government’s task of governing? The answer to this traditionally has been that freedom to govern trumps freedom of contract. Under various labels (executive necessity, the rule against fettering or, more vaguely, sovereign risk) the government must be free to implement its programs and policies even if this causes the government to be in breach of contract. Traditionally, that is too bad for the contractor with no right to a remedy. This collection of principles has generated much controversy over many years, though it arises rarely. The controversy is fully described by Bell P, the lead New South Wales Court of Appeal judge in Searle v Commonwealth.

This tension is captured in a number of propositions (stated starkly here):
1. The government may simply break a contract with impunity;
2. The government cannot contract out of, or relieve the contractor from, existing statutory obligations;
3. The government cannot through a contract fetter its future exercise of executive power;
4. The government cannot through contract commit to future legislation;
5. The government may instigate legislation to override an existing contract.
Propositions 2 and 4 are less controversial and are well-established. Propositions 1 and 3 are controversial and ill-defined. Proposition 5 is well-established but controversial.

The no-fettering argument in Searle:   The Commonwealth said that the basic employment arrangement was not contract but, instead, an exercise of the Crown’s prerogative (or executive) power. Even if the training contract was a separate arrangement, over and above the underlying employment arrangement, the training contract could not fetter the Navy’s prerogative right to direct, control and manage Searle as a military person (dubbed “Navy Command” in the Court of Appeal). This was therefore a proposition 3 (the training contract could not fetter the exercise of Navy Command), or possibly a proposition 1 (the Commonwealth could simply break the training contract with impunity), case. This argument succeeded before the trial Judge.

Appeal:   On appeal, the New South Wales Court of Appeal (the functional equivalent to a Supreme Court in many U.S. jurisdictions) took this opportunity to examine the long-standing controversy about propositions 1 and 3, described as “uncertain” and “ill-defined”. The lead judgment by Bell P was supported by short judgments from Bathurst CJ and Basten JA. It was held that the training contract did not amount to a fetter on the Commonwealth’s executive (or prerogative) power of Naval Command and that the Commonwealth was liable to pay damages.

Space does not allow coverage of the very thorough description and analysis by Bell P of the difficulties and criticisms of the fettering doctrine. Making a government contract almost invariably employs the executive power. The fettering rule says that that contract is void if it purports to dictate or control a future exercise of executive power, including making another contract. If this is correct, it is a public law intrusion on contracting.

The Mason solution:   The consequence of invoking the fettering rule -- the contract that offends the rule is void -- has been one of the strands of criticism of the rule. Voidness is usually chaotic. Many years after the contract is made, a court pulls the rug leaving the parties in a very uncertain position. An important solution to this problem was suggested by way of obiter dicta by Mason J in Ansett Transport Industries (Operations) Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1977) 139 CLR 54 at 76. This was that the contract is not void but it could not be enforced by coercive orders such as an injunction of specific performance. But, on the other hand, it could be the subject of a damages remedy. This solution preserves the underlying rationale of the fettering doctrine and, at the same time, protects the contractor. It is clear that the denial of the equitable remedies of injunction or specific performance is because of the government’s imperative to be unhindered in its task of implementing its policies and programs -- not for one of the reasons that guides a court’s discretion under the ordinary law of contract.

The training contract:    In Searle the contest was between the training contract and the future exercise of the power of Naval Command. Absent a possible fettering argument, there was no basis for challenging the contract. At a factual level, the training contract simply did not fetter the power of Naval Command. Any resort to Naval Command that detracted from the obligations arising from the training contract did not fetter the Commonwealth in any real sense. Even the possibility of having to pay damages in accordance with the Mason solution would not amount to a practical fetter. The Commonwealth conceded that it had the power to enter into such a contract and did not attempt to argue that it lacked that power, absent a fettering argument.

President Bell, during the course of his wide-ranging examination of the academic and judicial criticisms of the fettering doctrine, was clearly motivated by the fundamental principle that contracts should be kept, not just for the sake of the contractor but also from the perspective of government, because otherwise it would not be a credible commercial player. "This approach is more nuanced than others which carry the crude, often overbroad and instinctively unfair consequence of a contract being treated as void. It is an approach which arguably best reconciles the competing policy considerations."

Conclusion:   This case “raises a number of very important questions of principle” about government contracting, albeit in an area of the law that is rarely litigated. The fettering doctrine, at least arising from propositions 1 and 3, has been festering over many years and is in need of a fresh look and restatement. The Mason solution has been applied for the first time in Australia by the New South Wales Court of Appeal. It strikes a sensible balance between the government’s imperative to govern and its need to make contracts.

Watch this space for a possible appeal to the High Court.

In the U.S., the private law of contract has been undermined and supplanted by statutory laws applicable to government acquisition contracts. In the typical "procurement" government contract, the government is acquiring something. "“Acquisition” means the acquiring by contract with appropriated funds of supplies or services (including construction) by and for the use of the Federal Government through purchase or lease.... Acquisition begins at the point when agency needs are established and includes the description of requirements to satisfy agency needs, solicitation and selection of sources, award of contracts, contract financing, contract performance, contract administration, and those technical and management functions directly related to the process of fulfilling agency needs by contract. 2 FAR 2.101(a) In the Searle case, the government was acquiring nothing.

There was nothing more than an arrangement between the government and an employee that the government would provide a service for an employee. It was something in the nature of, what the U.S. Supreme Court has styled, a "gratuity": "Pensions, compensation allowances and privileges are gratuities. They involve no agreement of parties; and the grant of them creates no vested right. The benefits conferred by gratuities may be redistributed or withdrawn at any time in the discretion of Congress. ... On the other hand War Risk policies, being contracts, are property and create vested rights. The terms of these contracts are to be found in part in the policy, in part in the statutes under which they are issued and the regulations promulgated thereunder." Lynch v. United States, 292 US 571,577, U.S. Supreme Court (1934)

I'm not sure if that is a difference with a distinction between the fettering rules for government contract as practiced in Australia and contract clauses available in U.S. government, and Guam, contracting regulations, but by definition, Searle did not deal with a government contract as we know in procurement. "“Contract” means a mutually binding legal relationship obligating the seller to furnish the supplies or services (including construction) and the buyer to pay for them. It includes all types of commitments that obligate the Government to an expenditure of appropriated funds and that, except as otherwise authorized, are in writing. In addition to bilateral instruments, contracts include (but are not limited to) awards and notices of awards; job orders or task letters issued under basic ordering agreements; letter contracts; orders, such as purchase orders, under which the contract becomes effective by written acceptance or performance; and bilateral contract modifications. Contracts do not include grants and cooperative agreements ...." 2 FAR 2.101(a)

Guam's procurement law would not provide jurisdiction for a court to hear the contract claim brought by Searle, because the Guam procurement law does not waive sovereign immunity involving government contracts that are not acquisitions. In Guam, the government has waived sovereignty to be sued under government contracts more generally, but under the Claims Act, and, similar to Searle, the Claims Act only has jurisdiction to render judgement for monetary awards related to expenses incurred "upon a contract", not other monetary damages and it is an open question whether it even applies to to oral or un-written contracts, or to any theories of recovery based in equity, contracts implied in law, quasi-contract, or quantum meruit. The Guam Supreme Court has left to "another day our answer to whether the Guam Legislature has extended the waiver of sovereign immunity to oral or unwritten contracts, or to any theories of recovery based in equity." Guam Police Department v. Superior Court (Lujan) 2011 Guam 8, ftnt 8.

But, to the extent that the authority of the executive branch of the government in the U.S. is impinged upon by the procurement contracting process, the U.S. government and most if not all other jurisdictions in the USA have obtained a bit of flexibility unavailable in private contract law to cope with matters of good public governance, resulting in similar outcomes as in Searle yeilding a sensible balance between the government’s imperative to govern and its need to make contracts, in reliance on the immunity of the 'crown', particular laws and regulations, and the contract between the parties, all in concert, when a void contract is to be avoided.

An example of this is the accepted "Termination for Convenience" clause, which in private law of contracts would normally render the entire contract void as an illusory "bargain". It allows the government to unilaterally terminate a contract for practically any reason short of bad faith or fraud. However, it also requires that the government to compensate the contractor for work done and profits earned to the date of termination. It thus reached a similar outcome as in the Searle case. The termination for convenience clause arose out of the experiences of war, in particular the armistice following hostilities (in the "good old" days of wars between established states), when peace suddenly broke out but war material contracts persisted, without the government's need for more war materiel -- indeed as an impediment to redirecting funds to meet the needs of rebuilding the country.

Another example is the standard contract disputes clause. In simple terms, this clause and implementing regulations provides that contract disputes between the government and a contractor will be decided by the government if the parties are unable to "mutually agree" on a settlement and resolution of the dispute. In the face of this somewhat illusory and certainly conflicted decision making process, the clause contemplates a review of the government's decision, administratively, judicially or both.

This discussion illustrates a point I make when people tell me that government contracting should be done in the same manner as private contracting: government contracting must be conducted with an eye to good public governance as the overriding principle on which the contracting is allowed. It is true that "when the United States enters into contract relations, its rights and duties therein are governed generally by the law applicable to contracts between private individuals". Lynch v. United States, supra, 579, U.S. Supreme Court (1934) Nevertheless, only Congress can determine to allow a cause of action against the government arising under that contract. "The character of the cause of action — the fact that it is in contract as distinguished from tort — may be important in determining (as under the Tucker Act) whether consent to sue was given." Id., at 582 "Specifically, the Tucker Act permits three kinds of claims against the government: (1) contractual claims, (2) noncontractual claims where the plaintiff seeks the return of money paid to the government and (3) noncontractual claims where the plaintiff asserts that he is entitled to payment by the government."

American jurisdictions tend to mitigate the "fettering tensions" discussed above by Dr Seddon with a combination of regulations and contract clauses, coupled with particular waivers of sovereign immunity. And they each, in their separate ways, look for that nuance which strikes a sensible balance between the government’s imperative to govern and its need to make contracts.


Wednesday, June 21, 2017

Procurement controversy du jour: Newport News airport audit investigation gets off the ground

State, federal agents interview employees at Newport News airport (Excerpted; read article at link)
Sandy Wanner, the Newport News/Williamsburg International Airport's acting executive director, said three investigators — special agents with the state police's criminal investigations division, the Internal Revenue Service and U.S. Department of Transportation's Office of Inspector General — met with five employees over the course of the day. Last week, Wanner said, the investigator with the Department of Transportation Inspector General's Office asked for copies of the airport's annual audit reports going back to 2009. Those are the annual audits performed by an outside accounting firm, Dixon Hughes Goodman LLC, of Newport News.

The moves come in the wake of a scathing Virginia Department of Transportation audit report that detailed widespread issues with airport spending — including a loan guarantee to a startup airline that ultimately cost $4.5 million in taxpayer money. The airport and its financial practices have been under scrutiny since early this year, when the Daily Press reported that in 2014, the Peninsula Airport Commission quietly guaranteed a line of credit of up to $5 million from TowneBank for startup airline People Express.

After People Express quickly collapsed and defaulted on its loan, the commission paid off the $4.5 million debt using $3.5 million in state airport construction grants, $300,000 in federal grant money, and $700,000 from a regional marketing group funded by local city councils and county boards.

The Virginia Department of Transportation — which vowed to cut off future construction grants to the airport — launched a comprehensive audit that found the commission had improperly used state taxpayer money to guarantee the loan.

Moreover, Attorney General Mark Herring issued a formal opinion declaring the loan guarantee illegal under a provision of the state constitution that generally bars public bodies statewide from lending their credit to private interests.

The state auditors also found that airport executives routinely used commission money for personal expenses, skirted procurement rules, and worked to shield the loan from public scrutiny.

They found that Ken Spirito, the airport's executive director at the time of the loan, also authorized some airport employees to charge up to $2,400 for gasoline on their airport credit cards without requiring it to be tied to business travel. According to the audit report, Spirito directed the airport accounting department not to treat the gas allowance as taxable income.

The audit report quotes a passage from the letter of dismissal that the airport commission sent to Spirito: "These payments actually are compensation to each employee receiving free gas, not fuel expense. According(ly), you have hidden employee compensation in the fuel expense account, also exposing these employees and the PAC to back taxes, additional filing obligations, and possible interest and penalties."

As controversy swirled around the loan guarantee and improper spending, the commission and city have seen major shake-ups.

On March 2, Newport News City Manager Jim Bourey — who voted for the loan agreement as an airport commissioner — resigned as an airport board member, then stepped down as city manager a few days later.

Also on March 2, the commission fired its longtime legal counsel, Herbert V. Kelly Jr., who had assured commissioners the loan guaranty was legal. The job serving as the airport's lawyer had been in Kelly's family for decades, with the airport terminal named after Kelly's father, Herbert V. Kelly Sr.

The Newport News City Council later removed longtime airport commission member Aubrey Fitzgerald as a board member.

Finally, on May 15, the Peninsula Airport Commission fired Spirito after auditors reported he had used commission money to pay for personal expenses — including car repairs for himself and Jessica Wharton, the airport's marketing and public relations director.
Other reading: No love for tennis coach

Tuesday, June 6, 2017

Own up to those mistakes; don't put lipstick on that pig

Jason Miller is an astute federal procurement journalist with Federal News Radio, with a knack for making arcane and difficult matters interesting and graspable. I don't read him regularly, but when I do I wonder why not. (Not enough time in a day comes to mind.)

Jason wrote the following article, and his respect for action of the protagonist in the unfortunate circumstances of the story is palpable, and deserved. You may just want to click the link to the article and get it from the horse's mouth. Or you can stick around with me and my rendition, and be sorry.

What happened in a nutshell is that the Department of Homeland Security solicited, and then cancelled (after protests began), a solicitation for certain technical services, known as "Flexible Agile Support for the Homeland" ('FLASH'). It was framed as a small business set-aside procurement focused on agile development methodologies. (That's another story; read it, too.)

As Jason explained in a prior article, DHS' Procurement Innovation Lab (PIL) set out to get its arms around one of the problems of federal acquisition — the need to close out low-risk, low-dollar contracts. Too often these contracts are forgotten or under prioritized, and a backlog builds up. At DHS, for example, its backlog grew to more than 350,000, and 92 percent of the contracts had been completed more than a year ago. PIL took an innovation risk and re-engineered the business processes a simplified means for contract closeout. (Look, as I said he can explain better than I, so read that article, too.)

To re-engineer the business processes, DHS first created PIL, a cross-functional team of policy, finance, general counsel, contracting and industry and then had to identify the low-risk contracts. It was all about coordinating, good communications and making sure that all the people that could be involved and are looking at the process to collaboratively understand what to do and all the appropriate steps to do it. PIL completed nine projects and is working on others.

One of the PIL's biggest experiments was FLASH.   As Soraya Correa, the chief procurement officer at DHS, described it, FLASH was meant to take care of "contracts that are typically small dollar value, generally firm fixed price, no activity over the last 12-to-24 months, final goods and services have been delivered so we know they are probably ready for close out. What we are doing is a streamlined approach trying to close them in one fell swoop.”

Correa explained, “Everything we’ve done on FLASH has been very different from what we’ve done in the past. Start with our industry day where our communications were more of a discussion where we provided the ability to do speed teaming or speed dating, but also an opportunity for vendors to meet with government officials and ask questions,” she said. “We also had experts in various business areas like small business, digital services and others so industry could come up to speed on what we were doing in those areas. It was a very interactive day that focused a little more on the business processes around bidding as opposed to focusing on the requirements that would be contained in the solicitation.”

DHS evaluated contractors based on a technical challenge where the bidders had to present to the agency how they would go through an agile development process. Correa said the bidders then had 4-to-6 hours to actually complete and then did a presentation. DHS received 114 proposals.

Now, flash forward a bit to last month when Jason reported "DHS cancels $1.5B contract for agile services".
DHS has been working on the multiple award vehicle for the better part of a year. The goal of FLASH was to give department components access to innovative methods and industry best practices to acquire agile design and development support services. DHS said in the solicitation it was seeking to develop an acquisition contract that includes the concepts from the U.S. Digital Services Playbook such as user-centered design, dev/ops, automated testing and agile. DHS’s Procurement Innovation Lab (PIL) was running FLASH.

But since November when DHS awarded FLASH to 13 companies, it faced an uphill battle to get the contract off the ground. Eight vendors who didn’t make the cut submitted protests to GAO. DHS decided to take corrective action instead of letting GAO decide the protests and reopened bidding.

Then in early March, DHS announced 11 new winners under the FLASH contract, and 12 unsuccessful bidders protested to GAO again.

The decision to cancel FLASH comes as more and more agencies are developing contract vehicles to buy agile services. Along with the DHS, the General Services Administration’s 18F organization also struggled to award and ultimately cancelled the second and third contracts under its agile blanket purchase agreement. 18F awarded 16 vendors a spot in part one of its agile BPA in August 2015.

It’s unclear what comes next for FLASH — whether DHS will try again with a new procurement or give up entirely on a separate contract vehicle for agile services and rely on an existing one like EAGLE II.
So, now for the denouement:

DHS’ internal assessment of its $1.5B agile contract: ‘significant errors and missteps’
If the Homeland Security Department’s decision to cancel its $1.5 billion contract for agile services wasn’t shocking enough, the details of the missteps and problems the agency detailed in its “motion to dismiss” left long-time federal procurement attorneys and vendors with their collective mouths agape.

“DHS has determined that cancellation of the FLASH solicitation, HSHQDC-16-R-00118, is the only viable option to address the many issues that DHS has identified as problems with the requirement and the record,” DHS lawyers wrote to GAO in the document, which Federal News Radio obtained. “The integrity of the procurement process will be served by this cancellation.”

Barbara Kinosky, managing partner with Centre Law and Consulting LLC, said she was “floored” by DHS’s honesty and the level of detail it provided.

“They did everything but name names,” she said. “It is absolutely draconian to cancel the contract at this point. It means it is so flawed that they couldn’t tweak this, or conversely they decided not to let all the protestors on to the vehicle. I suspect the whole methodology was flawed and even if they tweaked the evaluation factors it was still susceptive (sic) to more protests.”

In the motion to dismiss, DHS said the problems with FLASH ranged from the evaluation criteria and adjectival ratings to the price evaluations and best value tradeoffs to lacking the expertise in agile software services to do a proper evaluation.

“DHS has also determined that the evaluation of the offerors may have resulted in unequal treatment of offerors’ weaknesses and risks. This is partially due to the adjectival ratings that were used, but also due to the evaluation process used to evaluate and assess offerors during the technical challenge exercises,” DHS stated in its motion.

“DHS has identified issues in the price evaluation report (PER) and best value tradeoff analysis (BVTA) which do not adequately support its award decisions. The methodology by which the price evaluation team evaluated price realism is not identified in the PER. Nor is it evident in the PER itself what DHS reviewed and evaluated to determine whether prices were reasonable and realistic.”

Christoph Mlinarchik, a government contracts expert and owner of Christoph LLC, a consulting firm, said DHS’s self-assessment of the FLASH procurement resulted in a firm vote of “no confidence” due to a “comedy of errors: poorly executed technical challenge evaluations, sparse price analysis, inadequate tradeoff analysis and more.”

“The most glaring admission by DHS is that critical documents were altered after award, like the technical evaluation report and best value tradeoff analysis. These critical documents were changed after submission to the GAO as part of the official record– a flagrant foul that undermines the bid protest system,” Mlinarchik said. “In summary, DHS rolled over, showed its belly, and provided ample reasons that the FLASH procurement was a total failure.

This does not look good for DHS, but it shows courage in admitting fault and starting from scratch instead of putting lipstick on a pig.”

The decision to cancel FLASH left vendors both relieved and in disbelief. One industry source, who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation from DHS, said it was a painful process from the beginning.

As Soraya Correa, DHS chief procurement officer, said in December in a NextGov article after the initial set of protests delayed FLASH:

“We’ve got to start getting rid of that fear,” Correa said. “We’ve got to start making it OK to sometimes make a mistake, as long as you’re making an intelligent mistake. It’s OK to take a few chances, and you know what? Every now and then, we’re going to stub our toe.”

Thursday, May 18, 2017

War (good God): What is it good for? In Nigeria, the elite and Boko Haram, it seems

Or so the following article would have us believe. I use this as though it is thoroughly hpothetical to illustrate that, in times of strife, whether ma-nmade or natural, attention is more attracted to the strife, not the money trail. 

The only defense for such diversion of attention is transparency and accountability in as near real time as possible. A trained and trustworthy professional bureaucracy is critical. 

It is obviously most useful to elect and appoint honest leaders who put good governance and the welfare of the led before their own interests.

Nigeria's Political Elites Hid Behind Military to Steal Billions of Dollars - Report
Corrupt officials over the years exploited the excessive secrecy of the country's defence budget to rip off the nation, says the report released Thursday in Abuja by Transparency International Defence And Security. The 15-years-old war against Boko Haram insurgency has helped pushed up Nigeria's defence budget and corresponding increase in corruption within the sector, the report said. The Areport has highlighted how Nigeria's political elites for years hid under the cover of the country's military to steal billions of dollars that would have been channeled into improving the living conditions of the citizens.

The report, which was prepared in partnership with the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, CISLAC, is titled, Weaponising Transparency: Defence Procurement Reform As a Counterterrorism Strategy in Nigeria. Corruption in the defence sector, according to the report, is a major threat to Nigeria's internal security and political stability. "Largely unaddressed, it has weakened Nigerian counterterrorism capacity whilst strengthening Boko Haram," it said.

The report repeatedly mentioned a former National Security Adviser, NSA, Sambo Dasuki's case as an example of how the country's defence sector leaves room for exploitation. Mr. Dasuki is currently standing trial for allegedly mismanaging funds meant for the procurement of weapons to prosecute the war against Boko Haram.

The report also mentioned former President Goodluck Jonathan and the late military dictator, Sani Abacha, as some of the nation's leaders who profited from the inherent weakness in the sector.

According to the report, the stealing is usually done through inflating of procurement contract values and creating of "phantom" defence contracts. "Such contracts are used as a vehicle for money laundering: facilitated via weak or corrupted Nigerian banks, illicit financial flows are often hidden in property in the UK, United States, South Africa and Dubai," the report says.

The stealing is done with the active connivance of the country's military leaders. "With oil prices at a record low, defence has provided new and lucrative opportunities for the country's corrupt kleptocrats," says the report.

"Former military chiefs have stolen as much as US $15 billion - a sum equivalent to half of Nigeria's foreign currency reserves - through fraudulent arms procurement deals."

All is not lost. The report acknowledged President Muhammadu Buhari administration's effort to tackle corruption in the country's defence sector. But it warned that, "Only a holistic reform agenda can deliver the deep, systemic changes and improvements in transparency and accountability needed to prevent the next US $15 billion quietly leaving Nigeria through the back door".

"Since coming to power in May 2015, President Buhari has taken some bold action in tackling defence sector corruption. Central to his approach have been two ad hoc, temporary audit committees: one investigating spending by the Office of the National Security Adviser and one investigating defence arms and equipment procurement.

"Taking on the defence establishment was a significant move: the evidence uncovered by these probes revealed that several of the country's former military chiefs, using dozens of companies, together stole as much as US $15 billion.

"President Buhari's anti-corruption drive is a rare example of senior Nigerian defence and security officials being exposed to criminal investigation. By signalling that military impunity is not without limit, it is undoubtedly a positive step forward," it said.

State governors in Nigeria are also known to have used the secretive "security votes" as an avenue to steal public funds, the report said.

The report recommends a unified anti-corruption strategy for the defence sector, the extension of public access to defence and security information, and the monitoring of confidential procurements as some of the ways of tackling the problem. Other recommendations include the sharpening of international focus on fighting corruption in Nigeria, plucking off money laundering loopholes in banks, the extension of whistle-blower protection to cover the defence sector, and regulation of secretive security votes.

"Declassifying how the security vote funds have been spent, after a two-year information embargo, could also enable citizen oversight," the report said.

Katherine Dixon, Director Transparency International Defence and Security, called for a quick action against corruption in the Nigeria's defence sector. "Corruption in Nigeria is not just a problem for Nigerians, but a concern for all of those looking to tackle violent extremism around the world.

"Entering into blind defence deals that ignore the rampant corruption in Nigeria's defence sector means international partners could inadvertently be giving rise to Boko Haram. Likewise, the doors to allow corrupt officials to launder their ill-gotten gains out of Nigeria should be slammed shut, through the active denial of visas and other domestic legislation that targets corrupt money. With Buhari's first term soon to end, the international community may soon find itself without a Presidential ally in this fight - now is the time to act," Ms. Dixon said.

Wednesday, May 3, 2017

Foreseeability and time to plan before acting vitiates emergency procurement

Homelessness, like poverty, is always with us. It is a perennial issue of municipal governance and a cold, hard reality. There are social service agencies who are expected to deal with social issues. Such issues are not emergencies in and of themselves, even when they turn from invisible to visible. 

Turning a blind eye to a known problem is simply a failure to attend to a responsibility; suddenly having eyes wide open is incentive to deal with the problem, but it's not an emergency. It's something you chose, or "prioritized", to do nothing about, and now you feel compelled by headlines to do something about it.  

Urgency is not emergency when it comes to playing fast and loose with public money by doing an end around normal prudent procurement procedures. 

Tacoma considers declaring homeless state of emergency
The Tacoma City mayor proposed declaring a state of emergency on homelessness in the city.

“It is something that is happening in every single neighborhood, and the reality of homeless is, it’s not a new issue” said Tacoma Mayor Marilyn Strickland, "but it becomes a new issue when it becomes visible."

“This is going to require us to take an approach we haven’t taken before," said Strickland. “We want to form a cross function team to explore what it takes to declare an emergency. We may have the ability to waive procurement rules.”
Tacoma’s homelessness crisis needs an emergency solution, mayor says
The homelessness issue in Tacoma, the county and the region is well-documented. It’s rare a few days go by lately that homelessness goes without mention in local media.

“Our goal here is to make sure that no one who’s in Tacoma has to sleep on a street, in a park, beneath an overpass or outside, and the message we want to send is help is available,” Strickland said Tuesday.

“Now we have to figure out what that means, because the questions we have to answer for folks if we’re clearing out encampments is where do I go then? We have to have an answer to where do I go and we don’t have that answer right now, and we know it’s a very complicated, complex problem.”

While that means getting homeless people access to medical care, food, housing services and emergency shelter, the mayor said, it also means the city needs to enforce against illegal activities that are taking place, such as blatant and public drug use. Pauli said the city wants to find an approach that will also mitigate the impacts of homelessness on residents and neighbors.

The city will have to explore some potential new ways to address homelessness, she said, and short-term solutions could range from tent cities, to adding more affordable housing, and creating emergency shelters. Declaring an emergency would allow the city to fast track some of its processes in getting those plans into place, Strickland said.
The city obviously has seen this issue growing, and has had plenty of time to plan for a solution. And they are still perplexed as to what the solution will be. They hope to avoid planning by cutting spending corners while they are still trying to understand the problem: "we don’t have that answer right now, and we know it’s a very complicated, complex problem."  

Good luck with that.  Hurry up and do something is a political response, not a responsible management response.

Urgency is not an emergency when it comes to procurement. Procurement starts with identifying a particular need, and planning to acquire and mobilize a solution to address the need. Failure to plan and act in a timely manner is never an excuse to cut corners with government spending. 

Emergency procurement trades off good governance procedures for immediate action in the face of genuine disasters.  Graft, waste and excessive costs are the typical result of emergency procurements even when the emergency is genuine (think Hurricane Katrina), and should be avoided unless uniquely necessary.

Guam law allows emergency procurement, but it is defined and conditions are put on it. Not every so-called "emergency" qualifies for the expedited emergency procurement process. The definition is particularly pertinent to this case study:
Emergency means a condition posing an imminent threat to public health, welfare, or safety which could not have been foreseen through the use of reasonable and prudent management procedures, and which cannot be addressed by other procurement methods of source selection. (5 Guam Code Annotated § 5030(x))

BUT WAIT, THERE'S MORE:  Friday, May 5, from Guam

The Pacific Daily News has a similar tale to tell in an article and its editorial. But, there seem to be more than a few in the government and media who "get it". 

In the face of student protests and other bad publicity, while one member of the Board of Education wants the Governor to issue an emergency declaration to fix a long-standing maintenance problem at a local high school, the PDN editorial board stands calmly and responsibly in favor of doing "the procurement process correctly.... That's where lawmakers and the administration need to focus their efforts." 

At last, there are responsible adults engaging in the problem solving.

Emergency declaration for Sanchez High eyed to get $1M for 2-year plan
The facilities at Simon Sanchez High School are in such poor condition the school will need an extra $1 million during the next couple of years to make necessary repairs and to ensure there are enough classrooms for students, according to education officials.

Maria Gutierrez, vice chairwoman of the Guam Education Board, said asking the governor for an emergency declaration is among the options to avoid double sessions at Simon Sanchez next school year. Double sessions mean students would attend school in two shifts.

Sen. Joe San Agustin, chairman of the legislative committee on education, asked for a two-year interim plan for Sanchez High, including funding requirements. The education board said it will be presenting the plan to San Agustin shortly. Ada said he hopes senators will introduce separate legislation to help repair the school.

On Monday, the public auditor is scheduled to hold a hearing on Core Tech’s procurement appeal of the request for proposals to rebuild the campus.
OUR VIEW: Speed up construction of new Simon Sanchez High
The school has been in a state of disrepair for years. It was shut down temporarily in 2013 because of safety issues. Just two years later, there were health and safety violations that should have closed it again, but Public Health said it would work with the school system to keep it open. The following year, some of the needed improvements still weren’t made.

There’s $100 million set aside to rebuild Sanchez High, and to make repairs at other public schools. But procurement protests and problems have repeatedly stalled the project.

Now senators want a two-year plan from the Guam Department of Education that addresses structural problems at the school. Sen. Joe San Agustin said the Legislature will help identify funding sources for repairs, but needs cost estimates.

“We would want DOE to give us an estimate of how much they would need for temporary repairs so that students and teachers can still use Simon Sanchez safely, while procurement is still ongoing,” he said.

But the money for a new Sanchez High is there. What’s needed is for GovGuam to do the procurement process correctly, so there are no further protests and the project can proceed. That’s where lawmakers and the administration need to focus their efforts.









Friday, December 30, 2016

The business of government

I've taken the following article and sliced and diced it to my own editorial fancy, to make particular points about procurement, as is my wont in this blawg. So, if you really want to know the article's author's intent, read it at the title link.

Go on. Click the link and read it from the horse's mouth; some may view it as thought provoking. I did.  My convoluted version follows the link and hopefully does not too much damage to the author's intentPay attention to my identified tags/labels (in the head of this blawg) to put this post in my context.

Thinking about the business of government, By CHRIS DISHMAN, a Ph.D. candidate in public affairs at the University of Texas at Dallas, who wrote it for the Dallas Morning News.
Total spending for the executive branch, known as “discretionary funding,” amounts to 30 percent of all U.S. spending. “Mandatory spending” accounted for 70 percent of total government spending in 2016.

The Department of Defense accounts for half of “discretionary” spending, so agencies like Commerce, Energy, Homeland Security and Veterans Affairs make up 15 percent of total spending. If Congress eliminated the Department of Energy, for instance, the government would save $28 billion annually, which is roughly equivalent to the cost of two new CVN-class aircraft carriers.

Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security and interest on the debt make up the bulk of “mandatory” spending, together with other “entitlements”, social as well as corporate.

The executive branch is the same size as it was in the 1970s, despite the increasing number of laws and regulations passed by Congress. The government remains at 2.1 million people or less.

The government’s workload has skyrocketed, as measured by the amount of spending per government employee, yet neither Congress nor any executive will support additional resources to implement the rules and regulations they advocate. The result of this dilemma is that government contracts out many of its duties to the private sector. And this forces government managers to shift existing resources — those used to undertake other governmental duties — to “manage” those contracts.

The government is paying big dollars to companies to undertake governmental missions. Why? Because it is politically palatable. Mandatory spending must be addressed to balance the budget, but politicians know that threatening a reduction in these programs is electoral suicide. Do you wonder why lobbyists like this approach?

There are fundamental differences between business and government.

Constitutional values, not corporate law and profit, guide the public sector. Ideally, government serves public interests while protecting the competing values that underpin those interests.

The private sector, in contrast, is governed by corporate law and profit, and business executives are, in the main, disinterested in anyone who cannot support that goal.

These differences do not mean that government cannot learn from the private sector. But we should remember that the republic’s founders intended the structure and processes of government to reflect constitutional values, not those of free enterprise.

Monday, August 29, 2016

Transparency? You can't handle the transparency!

 NOTE: As usual, I have have changed the articles reported below, leaving material out, rearranging, and paraphrasing, to suit the purposes of this blawg. The obvious purpose here is the need to have adequate and effective transparency regimes in order to have and maintain good governance, in procurement as well as other aspects of government. You must read the full articles at the links to get the accurate version of the story.

Americans pay millions to whistleblower at BHP; we hound them out of their jobs
In Australia, those who flag corruption inside companies receive limited or no protection and are often sacked or mistreated, while in the United States, which paid for evidence that exposed alleged bribery by BHP Billiton, whistleblowers are encouraged to come forward. The calls for reform are being made as Fairfax Media can reveal new details of another whistleblower case that suggests serious ethical failings by a top Australian businesswoman and ABC board member, Kirstin Ferguson.

A Fair Work Commission complaint filed by the whistleblower alleges he was "victimised as a result of the disclosures" he made to Dr Ferguson about alleged corruption at mining services giant Thiess. Dr Ferguson is a director at Thiess' parent company, Leighton Holdings (now named CIMIC), and is responsible for company ethics as ethics committee chairwoman. Dr Ferguson declined to comment on detailed questions sent to her by Fairfax Media.

Key MPs Nick Xenophon, Jacqui Lambie and Andrew Wilkie, as well as the Greens and shadow attorney-general Mark Dreyfus have all said they will push in Parliament for stronger whistleblower laws to encourage reporting of corporate corruption.

In May, the US corporate watchdog, the Securities and Exchange Commission, revealed it would pay a bounty "to a company employee whose tip bolstered an ongoing investigation with additional evidence of wrongdoing". Legal sources have confirmed that the whistleblower was a BHP Billiton insider, paid US$3.75 million (about $4.96 million). The former employee provided detailed information to US investigators about the mining firm's activities overseas several years ago. The allegations remain the subject of an active Australian Federal Police bribery investigation.

It is the first time an employee of an Australian company has received a US whistleblower bounty. Under the US Sarbanes-Oxley Act, the SEC can reward whistleblowers by giving them a cut of a fine extracted from a company, with payouts often reaching many millions of dollars.

In May 2015, BHP Billiton agreed to pay $US25 million to the SEC to settle an inquiry into trips to the Beijing Olympics that the company gave to government officials. The officials represented countries where the miner was operating, and where it was sometimes seeking government permits. BHP Billiton said in a statement that, during that inquiry, the SEC had made no findings of bribery or corrupt intent against the company, and that the US Department of Justice had investigated but took no action. The company said it was not aware of the involvement of any whistleblower as part of either investigation. "We respect and fully support protections for all whistleblowers, and the importance of providing confidential avenues for reporting," the statement said.

Senator Lambie, who has taken up the cause of a Defence Department whistleblower, said she wanted "world's best practice" whistleblower laws which would "strengthen our democracy, prevent and uncover official corruption, decrease government waste, save lives, money and prevent damage to our environment".

Shadow attorney-general Mark Dreyfus said private sector employees should enjoy the same whistleblower protection as people in the public sector because their information is "just as valuable to our community, and they should not be treated differently under the law".

"Recently a string of brave private sector whistleblowers have come forward with valuable information, including those who have exposed wrongdoing in our banking sector. They deserve our protection," Mr Dreyfus said.

Mr Day says there was merit in compensating whistleblowers, although he cautioned against aspects of the US scheme. Senator Nick Xenophon has told Fairfax Media that "whistleblowers in the US get rewarded and protected, but here they get punished and ruined". Andrew Wilkie, who was recently elected as an independent MP in Tasmania, said Australia had a cultural problem in which whistleblowers were scorned as untrustworthy dobbers, or unhinged: "In the US whistleblowers are celebrated, but in Australia they're often vilified," he said.

"Greater whistleblower protection is one of the building blocks of a healthy democracy and ... of a healthy corporate culture."

ASIC executive Warren Day believes new whistleblowing laws could provide far greater clarity and protection for employees who wanted to report a range of misconduct, spanning financial crime and environmental or health and safety breaches although he cautioned against aspects of the US scheme. Minister for Financial Services Kelly O'Dwyer said the government was looking at strengthening Australia's corporate whistleblower regime. Minister O'Dwyer said that, as it looked to strengthen legislation, the government would "follow usual process, and will consult publicly".
The 'naively noble' man who could not get his voice heard
The words, coming from the chairwoman of the board's ethics committee, were intended to be reassuring: "I'm really glad to have you in that role. I really am," she said. Dr Kirstin Ferguson was speaking to "David" (not his real name) who for more than two years had been working to stamp out alleged corruption and misconduct within his company. David was suffering stress and anxiety because he feared - with good reason - that his boss was cutting him loose.

David's faith in his company was first shaken in November 2011. As one of Thiess' more senior figures, David came across a document, signed by his boss Bruce Munro more than three years earlier, as part of the company's 2008 tender for a $5.5 billion mining concession in India.

It quickly became clear that the deal might have had at its heart a corrupt arrangement. Documents and key emails suggested that Thiess' business partner in India would be paying $12 million to powerful Indian government officials - an apparently illegal payment under Australian law.

But two weeks after speaking to her, Ferguson's reassurances meant nothing. David was given three months' notice and told to go immediately on "garden leave".

The company was Thiess, part of Leighton group, which has been implicated in among the most serious foreign bribery and corruption cases in recent Australian history. David's boss was then Thiess managing director Bruce Munro, who later left the company under a cloud.

As for the ethics committee chairwoman, Dr Ferguson: she is still there, and still in the top integrity role at the firm, since renamed CIMIC. She has since scored one of the most high-profile jobs in Australia - she was appointed by the Coalition government as a director of the ABC board, where she is a member of its audit and risk committee, the body in charge of overseeing ethical behaviour.

David declined to speak to Fairfax Media, but his full story can now be told for the first time through documents held by Thiess and CIMIC, and leaked by a source close to both firms.

In the United States, someone who came forward with information about corporate malfeasance might be paid millions of dollars. In Australia, speaking out is a shortcut to dismissal, despair and unemployment. And so far in this country, whistleblowers cannot even console themselves that the bad guys will be held to account for the deeds exposed, given the difficulty often facing police or the corporate regulator in investigating, prosecuting and punishing large companies.

Inside Leighton, some were concerned the company might have a deep ethical problem. So a new confidential internal review, Project Mango, was ordered into whether Leighton might be exposed to corruption issues elsewhere. It turned up about 100 payments made by Thiess employees in Indonesia to the country's government, military and policing officials. Not everyone appreciated the revelation.

David's boss was then Thiess managing director Bruce Munro, who later left the company under a cloud. Munro was concerned that risk and compliance activities were cramping the style of those whose job it was to win contracts in difficult markets.

"I want you to ... have a look and tell them [senior management] that there is nothing to see here ... We are tying people up in paperwork. Our processes have gone too far".

In court documents linked to the whistleblower's case, it's alleged that Munro explained to the whistleblower that the sticklers for good process inside the firm would have "never let me sign it [a deal with the Indian partner]". Alarmed at what he had seen, David escalated the emails and Leighton senior management ordered an external investigation. It was codenamed "Project Orange."

When the Project Orange investigation was completed, it suggested Leighton may need to inform the Australian Stock Exchange of a foreign bribery matter. Munro had breached the company's code of ethics and internal policies, the report found. However, there was not yet enough evidence for criminal charges.

n March 2014, as Project Mango was underway, Leighton was taken over by a Spanish group and eventually renamed CIMIC. But if anyone hoped the change of management would lead to a more open culture, those hopes were quickly snuffed. The senior executives who had commissioned Project Mango were sacked and the new bosses wanted it shut down. The story about the payments to Indonesian soldiers was reported, via a leak, in Fairfax Media. But instead of performing a mea culpa, an internal witch hunt for the leakers began.

After that, precisely nothing happened. The market was not informed. Munro kept his job.

In July 2014, Dr Kirstin Ferguson, a former flight lieutenant in the air force, an expert in safety, a lawyer, a PhD in corporate governance and a professional company director, became the head of CIMIC's ethics committee.

Two weeks after her appointment, David rang her. He wanted to meet for coffee. He asked if she knew about what had happened in India, if she was aware of Project Orange. "If I were in your position, I would want to know this," he said of the "biggest ethical issue the company has and would be the biggest ever in Australia."

"I do. I really do," she replied, adding reassuringly: "I'm really glad that we have you in that role."

But a fortnight later, David received a call from the "manager of people" at CIMIC. He was told he "hasn't made it in the restructure". He'd lost his job, and was sent immediately on three months gardening leave.

Two days later, Dr Ferguson sent David a text. To a person humiliated, isolated and sacked for trying to report wrongdoing in front of him, the message rubbed salt into his wounds.

"Hi - just wanted to let you know I have been following up on your call and will be sure to call you when done," Dr Ferguson wrote. It might take another couple of weeks, she said.

David's lawyers later argued his conversation with Ferguson should have been a "protected disclosure" under Australia's flawed whistleblower regime.